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Chapter 2

Chapter 2. Gathering the Data

 

    Research is an adventure. It continually draws us onward to new dimensions of discovery and analysis. It leads us into exciting new fields of inquiry and learning, adding both breadth and depth to our understanding.

    But, on the other hand, research is also hard work. It is patient, persistent, painstaking "detective work," with numerous frustrations and false leads. Good research has more to do with the shine on the seat of one's pants than the shine in one's eyes. The good researcher is the one who perseveres, who is distrustful of easy answers and quick solutions, and who knows that things are not always what they seem—or what they are popularly believed to be.

    The good researcher is concerned to get at the pertinent data and let those data, insofar as that is possible, speak for themselves. Here is where the adventure really begins: one cannot know in advance where the data will lead. They may or may not support the researcher's hypotheses or answer the researcher's questions. They may, indeed, point to quite different and unexpected ones, ones with which the researcher may be somewhat uncomfortable. But, as we have noted elsewhere, good researchers seek, above all else, to be rigorously intellectually honest. They do not ignore or cover over unwanted data and disturbing conclusions.

    But neither do researchers delight in unearthing "skeletons" and publishing "facts," or interpretations of data, that may needlessly damage the reputations of individuals and institutions. Research is never morally or ethically neutral. Intellectual honesty is morally necessary, but it is not the whole of morality.

   And so the researcher works critically and honestly at finding the relevant data, recognizing that even raw data do not exist independently of contexts. Therefore, one carefully notes the full context in which the data occur. Data are not detached propositions, floating about in some universal ether, complete and final in themselves.

   All of this impinges upon the gathering of data, but is not, in itself, the substance of this chapter. Our concern here is with research methodology. That is, how one goes about the gathering of data. In the following pages, we shall briefly discuss basic research techniques. This is not to suggest that good techniques alone make one a good researcher. Research is more an art than a science, so intuition is also important. But good techniques help. Poor techniques can certainly cancel out good intuitions.

                      Books and Articles

    In an academic institution, the most obvious place to begin collecting data pertinent to one's field of inquiry is in books and articles. Even though we live in the computer age, print libraries are still the richest source of information readily available to us. So, become familiar, even friendly, with the libraries available to you, browse along the periodicals shelves, in the stacks, and in the reference areas. Experiment with online catalogues, microforms and microform readers, and other electronic aids. (Note Appendix A, "Theological Library Resources at Anderson University.)"

    But above all, become acquainted with the professional library staff and their assistants. Not only are they paid to assist you in your research—among many other duties—but are quite happy to do so. Their suggestions can frequently save you hours of work. They are often our most under-utilized resource in the gathering of research data.

    Professional journals are one of the richest sources of information for the researcher. A most important source is Religion Index One: Periodicals published by the American Theological Library Association (ATLA). This volume contains author, title, and subject indices, abstracts, and books reviewed in periodical literature for a given year. However, if time is more important to the student than is money, then the student can have a reference librarian assist her or him in the computer database search of the Religion Index (see Appendix B, "Literature Searching by Computer"). Several other databases are available as well and new ones continue to be added. Database searching can be quite costly, but if adequately planned can save the student days of manual searching.

    Many times, books and articles that look most promising are not to be found in Anderson University Library. However, reference librarians can usually quite quickly determine where these materials are to be found and request them through interlibrary loan (see Appendix A, "Theological Library Resources at Anderson University").

                           Documents

    Archives and personal documents are of particular value to those engaged in certain kinds of historical research. These are not always readily available to the researcher and often restrictions are placed on their use, such as selected access only under supervision.

Archives

    Particularly is this true of archives. Unlike regular library materials, archival material does not circulate. And generally it must be used on site under the supervision of an archivist or archival assistant. Further, some archival material is not available to the ordinary researcher, primarily because it is "official and confidential."  This can prove to be quite frustrating to the researcher, who "knows" that to which he or she is being denied access is exactly what is needed to further the research and cannot be obtained elsewhere. Little can be done about it, however.

    But, occasionally, even when the archival material is legally public material, rather than private, the researcher may still be denied ready access to it. In discussing this problem, David C. Pitt notes that the researcher not infrequently has to deal with officials "who have a deep-seated suspicion that the academic is an iconoclast whose main function is to discredit the establishment" (1972:36).

    Anderson University Library houses the official archives of the Church of God. These are public archives and generally available to those doing research. Access is not unlimited or unrestricted, however. Archives hours are posted at the entrance to the Archives. These are limited to a few hours each day (Monday through Friday) during academic sessions. Further, much of the material is available only on specific request, to be used under archival staff supervision, and none of it can be removed from the premises. Photocopy machines are available in the Archives.

    Even with these restrictions, archives are the best sources—and often the only sources—of certain kinds of historical data. Before undertaking a research project requiring this kind of historical data, students should acquaint themselves with the archives and what is available there.

Personal Documents

    It may be, however, that even when the archives does not have the primary documents needed for the kind of data the researcher wishes to collect, they are available elsewhere. On occasion, the researcher will be able to uncover primary sources of data quite unknown publicly up to that point. The most likely sources of such "treasures" are individuals who have retained, or who have knowledge of, private letters, journals, or diaries of family members or friends.

    These are generally referred to as "personal documents."  John Madge defines personal documents as documents in which the authors "describe events in which they participated, or [which] indicate their personal beliefs and attitudes . . . . In its narrow sense the personal document is a spontaneous first-person description by an individual of his own actions, experiences, and beliefs" (1965:76-77).

    Behaviorists formerly considered the use of such documents to be unacceptable, primarily because they are not "objective."  Their essential "subjectivity," so it was said, made them scientifically suspect. Social scientists and historians, however, now generally accept personal documents as historically valid (see Madge 1965:78ff).

    This is not to say that such documents are to be taken at face value as literal descriptions of what happened. But they do indicate personal attitudes, beliefs, and feelings about what the writer believes to have occurred. This is historically important information. And it may, indeed, lead the researcher to question official or published versions of the same events.

   In such cases, however, the researcher is obligated to seek independent verification of the writer's information. If this cannot be done, the researcher must be very cautious about deciding which version is true.

   Among the various materials known as personal documents, personal and family letters are generally the most useful. They are usually without the high degree of personal image consciousness and pose which tend to characterize public and official letters. Particularly are private letters helpful in determining the actions, attitudes, and opinions of their writers—which are not normally revealed in official or public letters. Such "official" letters are often propagandistic, promotional, designed to "sell" an idea or a program. They cannot, therefore, be implicitly trusted.

    Journals and diaries are valuable sources of data, but must be used with some caution. They both select events and interpret them—often on the basis of "memory," or after-the-fact—occasionally days or even weeks after-the-fact. So the researcher must seek to determine how frequently journal or diary entries were made. Daily? Twice-weekly? Weekly? Periodic? Under such circumstances, gaps are bound to have occurred. Many of them may be quite critical.

    Further, such material is often intended for "publication," if only within a family. Thus, the material is scarcely free from pose. Particularly is this true of memoirs or other kinds of autobiographical writing. Here, the memory factor plays a crucial role. But in spite of these limitations, such personal documents can provide a great deal of useful data, some of which cannot be obtained elsewhere.

Public Documents

    A third frequently used documentary source of data is public documents. These consist of official records, minutes, reports, accounts, newspaper reports, copies of speeches, pamphlets, statistics, official histories, and case history records. It must be remembered, however, that these are secondary sources, not primary sources as we have been discussing above.

    Documents such as annual reports and official histories should be used with a great deal of caution. Writers of them are usually concerned to put the best official or institutional foot forward. A healthy dose of skepticism—not to be confused with cynicism—is the researcher's safeguard against gullibility and, in the end, embarrassment over having published "facts" that turn out to be misleading, if not untrue. In the case of these public documents, a double dose of skepticism is wise.

    We are not saying that such reports are deliberate concoctions of truths, half-truths, and outright lies. But the pressures of public and institutional life seem to generate a greater degree of self-delusion than is generally characteristic of the rest of us. Most of us want our work and our institution to appear in the best light possible, particularly when funding may depend on it. This—often unwittingly—leads to omission and over-statement.

    In spite of all of these handicaps, however, public documents are still potentially good sources of research data. The wary researcher will use these data with caution, however, unless they can be corroborated by other, less self-interested sources. It is always wise when using such information not to take it too literally, but to get "behind the scenes," as it were. In other words, check and double-check.

                            Interviews

   In the social sciences, one of the most frequently used methods for gathering data is the interview method. Sociology and psychology in particular have used this method, structured in the form of case studies (see Appendix C, "The Case Study Approach") or life histories. This approach, as with most others, has its limitations—as Daniel Yankelovich, a noted user of the method, admits (1981:55).

   In many areas of research, however, the interview method is most useful, particularly when combined with other methods. Frequently, when using questionnaires or other field research instruments, follow-up interviews which selected respondents can be fruitful indeed. And often they are quite necessary in clearing up ambiguous responses.

   Good interviewing is, of course, linked with good listening, something most of us do not do well. Good listening is, in this case, intensive listening. Intensive listening is that in which we listen not only to words, but at the same time observe carefully the emotional reactions of the informant to what she or he is saying. What emotions and attitudes are in evidence? How does the speaker feel about what is being said?

    Any intensifying of emotion, any negative body language, evidence of uneasiness, embarrassment, or resistance is significant. Avoidance techniques, such as evasive or non-committal answers or changing the subject, are important clues and should be noted carefully by the interviewer. These all form part of the context within which the verbal data must be interpreted, if it is to be interpreted at all fairly.

    Intensive listening, then, involves careful observation, a method of data gathering to be discussed later. Such observation can indirectly provide the researcher with a great deal of information that perhaps could not be gotten at any other way. It can suggest to the alert researcher other questions that need to be asked, other avenues that ought to be explored.

   Interviews should be planned well in advance and informants carefully selected. Not everyone is equally well informed about the subject of your research. Objectives should be well-defined. Know exactly what it is you want to find out and do not be sidetracked by issues not related to your research. And clearly differentiate between questions which call for information and those which call for opinion. If this careful advance planning is not done, the interview is not likely to be as useful as it could have been.

   It is wise to plan well in advance for yet another reason. In interviewing, the researcher is often dealing with problems of doubt, suspicion, and defensiveness on the part of the prospective informant. If the inter-viewer catches the informant at a bad time, or is late for the appointment, the interviewer may experience abruptness, impatience, or resentment. What is already a tricky situation is thus made worse. The informant is then not likely to be as communicative or helpful as he or she normally would.

   If the interview method is to be your primary method of data gathering, it would be wise to spend time learning about it from those who specialize in its use. An excellent source is The Dynamics of Interviewing, by Robert L. Kahn and Charles F. Cannell. The authors provide a most useful discussion of, among other things, motivational, psychological and linguistic barriers in interviewing. James Engel also provides some useful "rules" for interviewing (1977:121ff).

    As we have noted, interviewing is a difficult, even "tricky," process. It is doubtful that one can ever know too much about it or practice it perfectly. But good preparation well ahead of time can enable the researcher to avoid serious problems. It is wiser to spend time in   attempting to anticipate problems than in having to remedy them later.

                        Questionnaires

   One of the most frequently used—and abused--methods of gathering primary data is the questionnaire. The questionnaire is now one of the facts of life in our society. Educators, market analysts, sales firms, social services, civic and federal governments, pollsters, politicians, and preachers all rely on them. And this in spite of the fact that most of the questionnaires themselves are vague, muddled, and ambiguous. Thus, the "facts" they are purported to yield can be no less.

   The design, administration, and interpretation of questionnaires that yield trustworthy data is very difficult, difficult because it is so complex. And also because it is much more of an art than a science, so James Engel argues (1977:71). The major difficulty in using the questionnaire, Engels asserts, is "to minimize that ever-present problem of bias—errors and mistakes made in the communicative process which cause the findings to deviate from the truth" (1977:71).

   The questionnaire must then be designed in such a way that the ever-present problem of bias is at least minimized. Unfortunately, so Engels laments, no formulae exist by which this can be done. The questionnaire is simply "structured, goal-oriented communication."  And, as with all other forms of communication, is an art rather than a science (1977:72).

   Engels then goes on to discuss types of questionnaires, their strengths and weaknesses, and suggests general guidelines for questionnaire construction. The researcher who plans to use the questionnaire method of gathering data should heed Engel well here.

   Since the validity of the information gathered from questionnaires depends upon the respondents' understanding of the questions asked, the researcher must give very careful and detailed attention to the writing of the questions. This will take much more time than most students anticipate. Here again a writer's maxim applies: "No such thing as good writing exists, only good re-writing."

   How does one know when questions need to be re-written? One test is to have your research director read them. If she or he understands exactly what information you are requesting, then the questions are probably clear—to academicians. A more certain method is to pre-test the questionnaire, using locally available respondents of the same general educational and social level as those who will ultimately be filling out the questionnaires. If a question can be misunderstood, it will be in enough instances to alert the researcher to the existence of ambiguity in the question itself. Questions can then be re-stated and re-tested to assure that the correction is not itself ambiguous.

Ambiguous Questions

   As the above discussion suggests, most problems in questionnaires come from inappropriately worded questions. Ambiguous questions are one of the chief culprits. A question such as, "Would you say that the pastor's sermons are helpful?" is highly ambiguous. Helpful in what way? It is conceivable that someone could answer, "Yes, it is the only nap I get all week."  Or, "No, he keeps shouting and wakening me."

   The ambiguity of such questions is intensified by the fact that they most often, as in this case, call for a yes-no answer. To ask for a yes-no answer to a question that is not itself a yes-no question adds to the confusion the respondent is already experiencing. Yet, many questionnaires do exactly this.

   A political opinion survey questionnaire in our possession consists of ten questions, all of which call for yes-no answers. Yet few of them are genuinely yes-no questions. In some cases, "Don't know" is a more appropriate answer. And at least in one other, respondents may want to answer both yes and no. "Is the President doing a good job?" In some areas, yes; in others, no. But we have no doubt that this politician used the results of his survey to score political points in Washington—even though the survey instrument could not possibly yield accurate results.

    Potential ambiguity lurks behind almost every word and sentence in any communication. Ferreting it out is no easy task. But avoiding it is mandatory if our questionnaire results are to be trustworthy on specific points. We must then be careful to avoid vague and imprecise language—often introduced by such words as "usually,"  "generally,"  "normally," or "often."  We should also avoid "jargon" or in-house terms that may not be familiar to the respondents (see Engel 1977:81). Such language allows ambiguity to occur. We must remember, if it can be misunderstood, it will be.

Leading Questions

   A second major problem in the wording of questions is the leading question. A leading question is one which makes it easier for a respondent to give one answer than another. For example, "Wouldn't you say that you are opposed to abortion?" The impulse of many respondents is to answer "yes," simply because they are suggestible persons who are sensitive to what the questioner, or interviewer, wants to hear.

   Indeed, the purpose of leading questions is either to find those who agree with the propositions implicitly contained within the questions or

those who can be represented as agreeing. In either case, the motive of the so-called "researcher" is dubious, if not downright dishonest.

Loaded Questions

   A third problem question is the loaded question. Like the leading question, the loaded question is one which makes it easier to give one answer than another (see Engel 1977:82). The loaded question, however, also asks the respondent to accept an assumption or set of assumptions that may themselves be highly volatile or debatable. For example, "If God forgives divorcees, is his forgiveness the same, in kind, as his forgiveness of other sinners?" The issue here is not whether God forgives divorcees, but whether divorcing is sinning.

    The unwary respondent who answers this question with a "yes" or "no"—as the "questionnaire" calls for—may be accepting an assumption, namely, that divorcing is sinning, with which he or she really does not agree. Wishing to affirm that God does forgive divorcees, the hapless respondent must also affirm that divorce is sin, presumably against God.

   Loaded questions are not uncommon in the survey instruments masquerading as research questionnaires. But, as in the use of leading questions, loaded questions are essentially dishonest. Their real purpose is to assert a questionable "truth" and then to collect "reliable data" proving that a majority of "the people" agree with the assumption. This is nothing short of self-serving manipulation of persons and "facts."

Sampling

   If questionnaires are to be manageable in terms of time and cost, then it is clearly impossible in most cases to send out many of them. This will, of course, create a serious problem for the research project if the "population" being studied is large. If the "population" is very large, then it is physically impossible to include every potential respondent in the survey.

   To solve this problem, the researcher employs the technique generally known as sampling. Engel asserts that "a sample will provide an accurate picture of the larger body within measurable error limits if the sample is properly chosen" (1977:50). To be scientifically valid, the sample must be both representative and random, so Engel continues. He then discusses in some detail how this representativeness and randomness is achieved and how the sample size itself is determined (1977:51f).

   Since sampling is based on probability theory and generally accessible only to mathematicians, it is advisable that the researcher who is not mathematically skilled consult with someone who is. It will not do simply to "guesstimate" as to the composition and size of the sample. If it is not both genuinely representative and random, the data gathered will not be of any definitive value. Any results then reported as "facts" will be largely fictitious.

                           Observation

   One final method of data gathering to be discussed briefly here is observation. This is an approach used chiefly by the social sciences, anthropology in particular. We are not talking about just any kind of observation, however. Rather, our concern is controlled, directed observation. We are all aware that casual, everyday observation is quite unreliable, as John Madge convincingly argues (1965:124ff). But observation as a research methodology is not casual, everyday observation.

    Controlled, directed observation may take one of two general forms: (1) detached observation; and (2) participant observation. In detached observation, the researcher is trying to observe what is going on with a minimum of intervention. The problem is that without interruptions, the researcher cannot ask questions or benefit from interaction. Most researchers get around this problem, however, by keeping detailed notes, often in journal form, noting questions that can be asked in follow-up conversations or interviews. The advantage of this type of observation is that it leaves the researcher free to concentrate on what is going on rather than on his or her participation in it.

    The participant observer, on the other hand, deliberately seeks to enter the life of a community and to participate as fully as possible in it. This helps to avoid the distortion which will inevitably result from self-conscious behavior or responses. And it often opens up avenues of inquiry and response which would not be available to an "outsider."

   The difficulty with participant observation, of course, is that it takes a great deal of time—often years—to become an "insider," one with whom other insiders can be themselves. Most researchers do not have that kind of time, unless their degree program demands it. But if it can be done, it will yield information and insights that really cannot be gotten at any other way.

   To be maximally effective, however, observation as a general research methodology must, of necessity, be combined with other methodologies. The interview method is the one most commonly linked to it. Observations do need to be carefully verified, however. Even the researcher engaged in control-led or directed observation can all too easily be misled. Observers must ask questions of actors in events in order to confirm or correct what they think they have seen in the events observed.

   Beyond data gathering, observation as a research method has yet another benefit. It can be very useful in developing and testing research hypotheses. Many good research ideas have been born in the minds of patient and careful observers as they have engaged in the kind of observation we have been talking about. Further, many inadequate hypotheses have been abandoned or radically modified as a result of such observation.

                           Conclusion

   By way of summary, we have touched briefly on a variety of ways of gathering research data: the use of books and articles; the use of documents, including archival, personal, and public documents; interviewing; the use of questionnaires; and directed or controlled observation. Generally, in any major research project, such as a thesis, various combinations of these methods are employed.

   It is important that the data we gather be as comprehensive and inclusive as possible. It is for this reason that research topics must be carefully delimited, otherwise too much has to be left out. By narrowing the research topic sufficiently, however, one can limit the amount of data needed to manageable proportions.

   In the gathering of data, a central concern is that of accuracy, fairness, and honesty. For a researcher to eliminate from consideration data which would alter the hypothesis or thesis with which she or he has been working is neither fair, accurate, nor honest. Data gathering, in other words, involves moral obligation on the part of the researcher.            

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